J. On the effects of corruption stories on the sectoral respondents and the public

Majority of the media respondents from Samar and North Cotabato feel satisfied but are at the same time challenged given the means by which they can produce such stories for people to know what’s happening. They also feel sad, bad, and alarmed that corruption is happening in their own communities.

In Samar

Media respondents said the public, when hearing or reading about corruption in their area:

• Reacts by asking for more information/for follow up stories;
• Corrects wrong data/figures used by media;
• Volunteers information;
• Is ready to act on the issue;
• Government respondents themselves feel bad and feel the need to react.

To some extent, their reactions are reflected by the people who read/listen to corruption stories -– the stories serve as eye-openers for people who then become aware of what’s happening around them. At the same time, this encourages them to voice their opinions about corruption.

The CSO respondents are more negative about their reactions vis-à-vis corruption stories, i.e. disgusted,” “sick,” and “helpless.” They said the public also feels negatively and that there is a general feeling of helplessness since nothing is done about the corruption issue.

In North Cotabato

Media respondents said there are mixed feelings from the public:

• Many are sad, passive or don’t care, or are angry.
• Some “have been emboldened,” making statements through text messages; others have united while some have actually filed cases in court and/or have joined indignation rallies.
• The government respondents feel angry; disappointed; have lost trust and confidence in government; reflected same feelings as the people.
• The CSO-citizen respondents also feel negative emotions but at the same time have expressed the public’s encouraging feelings and thoughts such as: courage to report, the realization about the need to participate (”makialam”) and act, to unite, and to remain vigilant. 

K. Existing monitoring and reporting mechanisms to determine compliance of government officials with anti-corruption laws (including sectoral involvement)

In both provinces, there exist some formal mechanisms to report compliance of public officials with anti-corruption laws. Definitely, the same mechanisms attempt not just to report but carry out actions that are needed to pursue identified issues.

There are also informal and unstructured mechanisms to monitor and report corruption incidents/practices which are even faster. Radio is the best example of this informal mechanism. These are modest mechanisms without extensive membership which means monitoring and reportage is not done consistently, systematically or periodically.

In Samar

There are existing mechanisms like the ISOG Han Samar, SIPPAD, SPPADE, and CPU. Commonly cited by the three sectors is the ISOG Han Samar (Anger of Samar):

• Formed particularly to file a plunder case against the governor of Samar for alleged corrupt practices;
• Composed of individual/sectoral advocates for good governance;
• Monitors graft and corruption in the province;
• Members come from NGOs, church (including then Bishop Palma of the Diocese of Calbayog), business, and media;
• Two of the media respondents of this survey are members of ISOG;
• ISOG Han Samar is an initiative of CSOs.

Two more mechanisms for monitoring are the Samar Island for Peace and Development (SIPPAD) and the Samar Partnership for Peace and Development (SPPADE):

• Both are multi-stakeholders in composition with almost the same membership.
• Both meet regularly as a forum without funding; members take turns hosting quarterly meetings.
• The BECs (Basic Ecclesial Communities) are involved and provide data from their respective areas.
• SIPPAD is island-wide, and has the three bishops of the three provinces of Samar as members.
• SPPADE is island-wide, and was initiated by the Social Action Center (SAC) as an offshoot of the anti-mining issue in Samar, and peace and security concerns during Gen. Jovito Palparan’s term as Army regional commander in the area. It meets regularly to tackle issues and focus on the advocacy for five pressing issues: good governance, environment, social services, peace and security, agriculture and livelihood.

Note: CSO-citizen participants of the FGD are knowledgeable to a great extent about the three mechanisms. In fact, many are members of at least one organization, particularly SPPADE. The media respondents know about SIPPAD and SSPADE to some extent, while government respondents are not familiar with both groups.

Other local mechanisms in Samar

• Corruption Prevention Unit (CPU) is the junior graft watch/unit of Samar. There is a memorandum of agreement between the Ombudsman and the clergy for the creation of the CPU. The parishes report on corruption while the Ombudsman provides training. The SAC and CSOs serve as CPUs.
• Citizens’ Charter of LGUs -- Samar State University Citizens’ Charter under R.A. 9885 (Anti-Red Tape Law) to prevent graft and corruption in the schools where a public assistance desk helps people navigate the bureaucracy.
• LGU website for feedback about government programs. This mechanism is not quite effective because although there is a variety of perspectives on different issues, the opportunity for LGU and media to interact tends to be superficial and some journalists “sell” airtime or programs to local politicians.

Radio and print media and church homilies are loose, unstructured, and informal mechanisms that are not meant to monitor and report compliance by public officials but are used nonetheless by citizens in Samar.

Both media and CSO respondents say that these mechanisms are effective but not in terms of prosecuting cases. They need judicial support, according to the media. CSO respondents find these mechanisms effective because they are able to evaluate projects, air issues, find facts and conduct comprehensive audit of suspected illegal transactions, file cases, and raise awareness. These mechanisms are not considered very effective unless efforts are sustained to resolve cases or issues. Very few in the community are “as militant,” there is no specific sector involved in monitoring.

Mechanisms in North Cotabato

• The Inter-sectoral Convergence for Peace Truth and Service (ICON PTS), a multi-sectoral formation of various religious groups, POs, LGU employees, academe, NGOs, and others against corruption. This was founded at the height of the ZTE-NBN broadband deal controversy.
• Kutabateno Alang sa Maayong Panggobyerno (KALAMPAG), composed of citizens against corrupt or unscrupulous politicians. Formed in 2004, it is a group of multi-sectoral organizations/individuals against abusive government officials of various municipalities in Cotabato Province.

Some small cause-oriented mechanisms

• The Union of People’s Lawyers for Mindanao chapter (UPLM) is a small group of lawyers and paralegals formed in December 2005 and now has 27 members. It assisted KALAMPAG when the former Governor filed a libel case against its members/conveners.
• White Ribbon Movement is an election watch group formed before the 2007 election with lawyer Connie Brizuela as chairperson (she was among those murdered in Ampatuan, Maguindanao November 23, 2009). It convened people’s forums and provided legal assistance to victims of election-related violence.
• Bantay-Bigas (Rice Watch), an inter-sectoral formation composed of Kilusang Magbubukid sa Pilipinas; KARATULA, an alternative cultural group which reflects socio-economic political issues thru their dances and songs; LGU officials; GABRIELA women’s organization; SAC of Kidapawan parish; rice retailers and vendors, among many others.
• Education First Referendum Later Movement (EdeFer Mo) fighting for royalty share from Mt. Apo Geothermal Plant with ICON-PTS
• Peoples’ Movement for Change (PAGBABAGO), an interfaith alliance for clean and honest election and pro-people governance

Informal loose mechanisms for monitoring and mainly reporting corruption issues

• Radio program via “texting” or “feed-backing” (for people to report and react);
• Text-brigade/text reaction “kontra-kurapsyon” through Pulso Ng Bayan – Charm Radio and other radio stations;
• Text to react on issues forwarded to Pulso ng Bayan (a regular program of Charm Radio), sometimes to radio dXND also;
• CSO–citizen-media assessment mechanism where the CSO gets project documents and examines implementation; citizens rate performance and media report results;
• General assembly initiated by the print /broadcast media e.g. Mindanao Press Corps, Pulso ng Bayan
• Regular radio program segments on complaints ( “sulat” (letter), text or actual/personal complaint) with dxND, dxCA

The media respondents said these mechanisms are effective to a limited extent because although the issues are identified, reported and in some cases acted on, not all of the corrupt officials were prosecuted and some journalists were bribed (referring to them as “scallywag media”).

Government respondents find these mechanisms somewhat effective because although attention was given to reported issues, these are also perceived as being controlled by those who are themselves corrupt. “Very few cases filed, nobody paid for their crimes.”

The CSO respondents find these mechanisms effective because awareness is heightened through the media (radio in particular), they are able to do follow-ups, push for public action (e.g. filing of cases), or don’t stop until issues are acted upon. Partnerships facilitate access to information, and many participate due to support from media even if resources are limited.

L. Involvement of sectoral respondents in any of these monitoring and reporting mechanisms

In Samar

• Three media respondents are members of ISOG. They do not know about (or much) about SIPPAD and SPPADE.
• Government respondents have no involvement in ISOG, SIPPAD or SPPADE.
• Many of CSO respondents are members of ISOG, SIPPAD,and SPPADE. Citizens represented by the college students do not know about these mechanisms.

In North Cotabato

• Media respondents (radio and print) are involved except for one through discussion of corruption issues in their radio programs.
• Government respondents said they are able to send text messages to radio programs which tackle issues on corruption but are not able to participate because reporting is not in his/her job description.
• The CSO respondents help expose, gather information and documents, interview people involved, and continue their vigilance.

Suggested enhancements of public sector transparency and public awareness and who should do these:

• Common to the three sector-respondents from the two provinces is the need to increase awareness or conduct massive information, education, advocacy campaigns which are not necessarily the sole responsibility of media but can be done together with other sectors especially the community and CSOs.
• Awareness raising may be done through the media, seminars/trainings, handbooks/”how-to” guides, and networking with different sectors (existing or to be organized);
• Monitoring of government officials’ performance and reporting anomalies (also reporting good news) may be a shared responsibility, too.
• Information to be disseminated must include understanding of good governance, people’s right to know, anti-corruption laws and policies, effects of corruption in the peoples’ lives, peoples’ participation, and the need to strengthen coverage and sustain the discussion of corruption until this is resolved.

Media’s contribution to enhance public sector transparency

According to the media, government and CSO-citizen respondents in the two provinces:

• Media needs to be true to its role/mandate, that is, to do good journalism (accurate, balanced/fair, maintaining ethical standards of reportage) and to do this fearlessly.

In Samar

• Media respondents say they need to join efforts with other sectors.
• Government respondents say media needs to provide venue for discussion.
• CSO respondents expressed the need to continue and sustain their stand/efforts.

In North Cotabato

• Media respondents suggest the need for them to petition the government to support laws that promote transparency and accountability.
• Government respondents say media needs to unite and organize as one sector “for the cause.”
• CSO respondents see the need for multi-sectoral discussions on issues prevailing in the community and coordinating with CSOs and POs in monitoring corrupt practices.

Other sectors’ contribution to enhance public sector transparency

Common findings across the three sectors in both provinces:

• Realize and appreciate the role of media.
• Get involved by being vigilant.
• Report anomalies and/or providing information to media.
• Join forums/initiatives to understand corruption issues.
• Help raise awareness and act on issues.
• Possibly, organize and unite with media.

What the three sectors can do together

Common across the three sectors in both provinces:

• Organize into one group; unite towards agreed common goals and plans/strategies.
• Complement and supplement each sector’s efforts with proper coordination.
• Continue being vigilant.